Last
week, we had a reading and discussion at our college. The billing for the event, begged the
question:
Do you feel insecure with your living situation? Rents always on the
rise while wages stagnate? Getting priced out of your neighborhood? Want some
ideas on how you might strike back and who against? Join us for a book
reading and discussion on the politics gentrification, race, freedom and organizing.
As we wait for the verdict
in Ferguson, the topic of Ida Bell Wells-Barnett could
not be more important. As she explained.
City Tech’s own Dr Marta Effinger-Crichlow, of the African American Studies Department, was on hand to read from her new work Staging Migrations toward an American West From Ida B. Wells to Rhodessa Jones.
James Tracy, left, Marta Effinger-Crichlow, speaking, right. |
She began her talk by
reading Wells’
words about Thomas Moss’ lynching at the hands of a mob. “There s nothing we
can do about the lynching now, as we are out numbered and without arms.” Out armed in the fight against oppression and
racial violence, a witness to the murder heard Moss beg for his life for the
sake of his wife and unborn baby. “Tell
my people to go west, there is no freedom here” crying out to his attackers in his final moments. “Moss’s words
first appeared in the Memphis Commercial
on March 10 1892…” writes
Effinger-Crichlow. “Upon learning of the murders, Wells, who later became
the impetus of the anti lynching crusade, continued to parallel Moss’s final
words with her own report of lynching.
One might imagine Wells, a petite yet energetic woman, calling out to
all who would listen, ‘Go West people.
There is no justice for us here.”
For wells,
the phrase, tell my people to go west functioned as more then a geographical
call to go west. The slogan challenged
all who had gone west, as well as those who stayed in Memphis; it challenged everyone to fight the lynchmob. A Black writer who was able to mobilize and navigate through the country’s public spaces,
Wells was of a first generation of African Americans who could instigate such migrations. She showed a black women could
move out west, away from what had been home – “raising the consciousness of a people and incited them to act.” Countless others heeded her call, followed
her gesture of staged mobility, calling for a generation to move. Dong so, they demonstrated the possibility of
finding somewhere, living somewhere better, somewhere free-er in the here and now.
Once there, many got involved organizing, striving to make that
place home. My small readings from Community Projects as Social Activism, fromDirect Action to Direct Services followed this theme. Built of interviews
and stories collected over twenty year period of organizing, writing, and
collecting stores, some of the narratives here can be traced back to my second in
graduate school Chicago, when I working
at the Chicago Area Project, an anti delinquency group started by Clifford
Shaw, a Chicago sociologist who had worked closely with Saul Alinski. There I followed Shaw’s calling, interviewing
many of the organizers who had worked with him starting the 1930’s. One of the first interviews for my oral
history was with Billy Brown, a short then 86-year-old African-American women
with short -
curly brown hair and animated eyes. She
explained what she had learned about neighborhood life from Clifford Shaw.
I think Dr. Shaw felt that
this was yours. This was my plot where I
belong so I want to make it the nicest part of my life and the nicest part of
my entity to live here. It was just like
a castle, like a castle that belonged to you.
And he felt that each person.
Just wherever you went that was your home. If you were a part of it, you lived there.
Its small neighborhoods, that's what it was, small neighborhoods. And he felt that you could organize wherever
you went, you could organize. And this
organization could be your castle (quoted in Shepard, 1997A).
Brown was not the only
member of CAP to reflect on the group’s neighborhood emphasis.
A love for community was
intricately connected with this story. Havng
heeded the calling to go West, many built
magnificent communities.
That Spring of 1997, I interviewed the Woodlawn Organization’s
founder, Bishop Arthur Brazier, at the time the
Pentecostal pastor of the Apostolic Church of God in the Woodlawn. Over a nearly half century of service, he
built a congregation of some twenty thousand people, who headed his calls to
stay in the neighborhood. Before his
death in 2010 at the age of 89, Brazier was considered one of the most
influential organizers in the US.
"I feel proud and happy that we didn't just sit around and wring
our hands about these problems," Brazier told the Chicago Tribune in 2008. "We were able to see beyond the four
walls of the church and we did something," (Ramirez, 2010). Throughout our interview, we talked about his
approach to organizing, engaging those in his community to gain power,
identifying an issue, and staying on mission to fight for the poor. “Improve,
Don't Move” would become a neighborhood slogan from South Chicago to the South
Bronx.
“The idea of being involved with
work in the Woodlawn had its genesis in my concern about how I as a Christian
Pastor could become involved in the civil rights movement,” Brazier explained.
“I came into Woodlawn as the pastor of this church, the Apostolic
Church of God, in 1960, just at the beginning of the 1960’s when the Civil
Rights Movement was at its height, beginning to take off.”
Throughout the 1960’s, Brazier
marched with King, supporting the Civil Rights Movement, organizing around the
core needs of those in his neighborhood.
“There were serious problems here in the Woodlawn Community,” noted
Brazier. “First and foremost was the effort by the University of Chicago to
expand into Woodlawn. And there was some great concern that the University
would take over probably half if not more of the community. Many of the people who lived in the Woodlawn
at that time had been victims of urban renewal in other communities. Many of these were home owners who had
purchased homes in the neighborhood and they feared that they were going to
have to move again. And this community,
using the arm of the Woodlawn Organization, which had just been formed at that
time, successfully resisted that effort by the university to come beyond 61st
street.”
As a student of organizing, for Brazier the story
of the TWO is a narrative about organizing around specific issues. “There were three other major issues that
caused my concern—slum landlords, who were milking their buildings, not paying
any taxes, not putting any money back into the communities, and taking all the
rent while people got substandard accommodations. Secondly, there were some unscrupulous
merchants that we felt needed to be dealt with.
And thirdly, and I think the most important was the school bus
segregation. At that time the Board of Education said schools were not
segregated, but anyone living in Chicago knew de facto segregation was the way
of life. Black schools were on the
double and triple shift. Classes were
being held in assembly halls, things of that nature, while at the same time
there were unutilized schools in white neighborhoods. We believe that rather than have Black
children on the double shift, they should be allowed to transfer to schools
where there were empty classrooms. This
was seriously opposed. The
superintendent, at the time, put in portable classrooms in playgrounds where Black
schools were located. We dubbed those
portable classrooms, Willis Wagons, and used the as symbols to oppose school
segregation.”
Following the transgressive
lessons of social justice gospel (Goss, 1993), Brazier framed his theology and
organizing in terms of speaking out for the poor. “From a religious point of view, a lot of
people ask me the question why was I, a preacher, involved in these
things? My view was that there were
people that were suffering because of injustice. And I thought that the parable that Jesus
gave in relationship to the Good Samaritan was a clear indication that the
church ought to be involved in alleviating human suffering. With this message in mind, Brazier got
involved in community activity.
Brazier worked with Saul
Alinski. “Woodlawn got the power and now
they were using it and now they were making deals,” noted Alinski (quoted in
Hercules and Orenstein, 1999). “I worked
very closely with Alinski, for years,” noted Brazier. “I didn’t see the people who we were opposing
as enemies. I saw us opposing certain
objectives to certain kinds of systems that I thought needed to be
changed. I think that Saul Alinski and
the Industrial Areas Foundation did a very, very excellent job of community
organizing. I don’t think that you go
out and look for enemies. I think what
you do is you identify a series of injustices.
I never did look at the University of Chicago as enemy. I looked upon something that they were doing
as something that was not beneficial to this community. And I didn’t look upon slum landlords as
enemies. I looked upon slum landlords as an injustice that had to be dealt
with. As a Christian I do not want to
identify anybody as an enemy.” So,
instead of identifying a target as subhuman, Brazier took a different approach.
“I don’t think it’s fair and it’s not something that I want to get involved
in. That creates a lot of animosity in
your thinking.”
People organize around issues,
noted Brazier. “It’s my view that
organizing does not happen by snapping your fingers. People do not organize just for the sake of
organizing. Unions do not organize just for the sake of organizing. You organize for a reason. The reason is you are trying to deal with
some injustices that are happening. And
you want to deal with that. You deal
with that better if you organized as a group rather than trying to deal with it
on an individual basis.” Brazier worked for years at
creating a space and a power base which could help his community
contend with the ravages of displacement.
displacement
James
Tracy has long argued that urban activists should frame their battles
against high rents, for housing and stability around the concept of
displacement.
“Don’t call it gentrification,” he advises. A housing activist, and co founder of the San Francisco community land trust as well as a poet, Tracy author of several books including Hillbilly Nationalists, Race Rebels, Black Power, and The Civil Disobedience Handbook: A Brief History and Practical Advice for the Politically Disenchanted. When I was arrested on the way to work during the Republican Natonal Convernton in 2004, the police went through my work bag. Asking me about anarchists they were worried about, I told them I had no idea what they were talking about. And then they found Tracy’s book civil disobedience handbook dedicated to me. That kindov blew my cover. I love James for that. He always blows my cover. Tracy read from his well reviewed homage to the right to shelter, the right to a home Dispatches against Displacement.
James Tracy speaking, Marta Effinger-Crichlow right |
“Don’t call it gentrification,” he advises. A housing activist, and co founder of the San Francisco community land trust as well as a poet, Tracy author of several books including Hillbilly Nationalists, Race Rebels, Black Power, and The Civil Disobedience Handbook: A Brief History and Practical Advice for the Politically Disenchanted. When I was arrested on the way to work during the Republican Natonal Convernton in 2004, the police went through my work bag. Asking me about anarchists they were worried about, I told them I had no idea what they were talking about. And then they found Tracy’s book civil disobedience handbook dedicated to me. That kindov blew my cover. I love James for that. He always blows my cover. Tracy read from his well reviewed homage to the right to shelter, the right to a home Dispatches against Displacement.
For Tracy, displacement is a better word
for the process of people being pushed out of their homes to make way for more appealing tenants. “I prefer to
use the word “displacement” because it drives home the end result of
gentrification: someone loses their home and their community. You can’t play
fast and loose with the word! On one end of political thought, there is this
underlying assumption that higher-income people improve a low-income community
just by arriving there. It plays into this mythos deeply imbedded in our psyche
that rich people will somehow randomly meet their neighbors and help them
up the economic ladder.”
Organizing
to slow the process of gentrification
has take place over a process of decades for Tracy. He saw it when he worked as a delivery man driving the streets of San Francisco, noting
landlords in San Francisco were making donations of the left over belongings of
former tenants, who had been displaced. Even then, Tracy saw a storm
brewing. “Throughout my life, I’ve seen
moments like this through the battles for home and public space,” writes Tracy.
“They are always fleeting, as are the tenuous alliances that bloom and wilt
again. Neoliberalism has literally
stolen the city from those who most contribute to its vibrancy. While things will never be (and maybe never
should) be the same, resistance – not only capital – shapes urbanism.” (p.
18). Tracy drew a picture of his life as
a housing activists and the struggles he’s fought for over affordable housing,
the right to a home and public space, connecting his
activism with generations of others, dovetailing between struggles for global
justice and Occupy. “There has
always been a dance between electoral
politics and direct action,” notes Tracy.
“Direct action was central in the
fights for the right to expand suffrage
to women and later Blacks. The Women and Family Rights and Dignity and
the squatters of Homes not Jails embody a spirit of past social movements, such
as the Unemployed Workers’ of the 1930’s, which is rooted in the everyday needs of community members. They build direct democracy with crowbars as
their ballots and vacant housing as ther
ballot boxes. Nine years later,
activists energized by the Occupy movement turned to exactly this style of organizing, confronting
evictions and joblessness on the neighborhood level,” (p. 34-5). Dong so, members of Occupy built on this
ethos of tenants who banded together to protect each other from eviction and
foreclosure. As Tracy explains: “Housing activism tends to
do best against the backdrop of larger social and movements. In the 1930s,
there were large mass-based movements that elevated the needs of working-class
people. Movements influence each other both tactically and morally. The
formation of the trade union movement, the campaign to free the Scottsboro Men,
built a sense of boldness and political consciousness that could easily be
translated into a neighborhood context.”
In “Toward on Alternative Urbanism”, the last chapter, Tracy sums up the
lessons of his work.
“If the goal of an anti-displacement movement is to stop displacement,
then San Francisco’s movement has failed by any stretch of the
imagination. San Francisco today is an
exclusive city; what remains of
working-class and artistic life the is on the ropes. Thankfully the knockout
cannot be called in this round.” The work of organizers has kept battle going,
allowing some of the soul of the city to “remain intact.” (p.95).
“The very notion of a commons, of resources provided outside of the
market, is tied to society's perception of race, class, and gender. Specifically, commons (and reforms) are
created at the intersection of the aspirations of social movements to expand popular
power and desires of elites to contain popular protests…. [T]o defend public
housing means simultaneously fighting for the human right to housing, while
refusing to embrace politics that flatten out the historical bigotries and exclusions,” (p. 96). Here, Tracy explains housing battles, particularly struggles over public
housing, involve efforts to cope with social controls. “Federal housing policy has been used to
control and contain Black Americans, often to accelerate profit accumulation of
urban development regimes. At times,
this is meticulously planned; at others it is a product of opportunism. In either situation, the conditions that
Black people live in are generally a good indicator of what is in store for the
general population. In reality, what
happened to public housing
residents - particularly Black residents
– was the canary in the housing crisis coalmine.” Affluent or desirable families were offered
housing opportunities “if they cashed in on Section 8 vouchers, risking future
housing assistance.” Many were
later “sold risky loan products, such as
adjustable rate and interest only mortgages.”
Many were in the suburbs. By
2008, many “fell victim to foreclosure as housing payments skyrocketed. Yet again, corporate – and government –
housing policies colluded to displace Black people, and to provide a template
by which other communities were displaced.” (p.96). Sadly, from here many find
themselves without homes or in the fastest growing public housing in the us, the jail system.
The first discussions in the q and a session for our event
addressed this question about home, from Chapter four Staging
Migrations, “I want
to go home.” What does going
home mean? Rhodessa Jones asked those at her performances
and workshops to think about how to be free, even women in jail, think about
the process of being home, of finding a home.
She gets women to think about what lead women to this place, to think
about the shame of poverty, drug abuse, of sexual abuse? How do you find home? Do you expect someone to find it for
you? How do you find ways to construct a
home for yourself? Thinking about home,
how do you create a home?
Part of the process involves rethinking situations, rethinking what cites can look like and how we can all benefit from them. Lead with housing explained James Tracy. We lead with a vision that housings a human right and it should be affordable. I’m fairly pessimistic are capitalism’s capacity to fix things. Re regulate things and that would take care of a lot. Tracy noted that Picture the Homeless has helped document that there are countless vacant bulldog which could be repaired and occupied. We need a green new deal to fix these bulldogs. None of that is outside the possible.
David Smith, of City Tech asked: how do we take control of the narrative to make a change? How can the narrative, the story be changed. It took decades to make it happen. Occupy changed the narrative. We live in the great narratives of our culture. Gentrification is the wrong narrative. How can you tell that you are changing the narrative? Ida B Wells - there's a narrative. Go there because there is no justice here, she declared. We live in the great stories of our culture. So a group of people moved West to start homesteading. Gong home is homesteading. Theres a story. The new American West is homesteading. But she also suggested staying home and organzing so those in power can no longer ignore the power of Black Americans. Looking toward the west, understand the injustices, she advised. There are many. She was a model.
James Tracy left, Shepard middle, Marta Effinger-Crichlow, and other students from the college.
Later on that night, a few of us went out for drinks.
We talked about the grievances
of the past keep coming up, as does the pain. Ferguson strikes a nerve, a raw wound. Walter Benjamin reminds us that every current generation must re engage and complete the unfinished
business, the incomplete tasks of the past.
The danger of failing to do so is very real, Stanley Aronowitz reminds us
in How Class Works. “Every image of the
past that is not recognized by the present as one of its own concerns
threatens to disappear irretrievably,” explains Benjamin.
Yet, the pain of watching lives and struggles disappear uncompleted tears at us. The pain of the past, of those lost struggles is all too present in our current lives and circumstances as people fight for a place to call home, where they can find community, after migrating, fighting displacement and pushing forward through history, ever alive that night.
We went home around 11:30.
Across Brooklyn, a man, Akai Gurley, was walking down the stairs of his apt complex.
At 11:15pm, Officer Peter
Liang fatally shot Akai Gurley, an unarmed Black man who was leaving his girlfriend's
apartment in the Pink Houses in East New York. The cop said he was nervous, so
he drew his weapon and shot the first person he saw. The NYPD says it was an
"accidental discharge." There is nothing accidental about it. This is
the deadly consequence of the ever so increasing militarization of the police,
from New York City, to Ferguson, and beyond.
We condemn the DeBlasio administration for supporting this militarization by appointing Commissioner Bratton. We condemn City Council for requesting more of these militarized police to patrol NYCHA housing, leading to an unending slew of abuse and harassment by the hands of the police. We condemn Bill Bratton for administering the repressive policing practices which have resulted in the murders of Eric Garner and Akai Gurley.
Tomorrow, in the spirit of Ramarley Graham, Shantel Davis, Kimani Gray, Eric Garner, Mike Brown & countless other victims of the police in NYC and beyond, the Black Autonomy Federation-North East Branch, our allies in the Fire Bratton Coalition, and members within the community will march from the Pink Houses to P.S.A. 2 (560 Sutter Avenue). In the weeks that follow, we will organize disruptions and direct actions that halt business as usual. In the months that follow, we will use the memory of our fallen and channel it into developing our own organizations for self defense & community mediation.
Our Demands:
1. Arrest & Indict Peter Liang, the murderer of Akai Gurley
2. Arrest & Indict Daniel Pantaleo, the murderer of Eric Garner
3. Fire Commissioner Bratton
*RESPECT THE COMMUNITY IF YOU ARE NOT FROM THERE!*
ALL POWER TO THE PEOPLE!
We condemn the DeBlasio administration for supporting this militarization by appointing Commissioner Bratton. We condemn City Council for requesting more of these militarized police to patrol NYCHA housing, leading to an unending slew of abuse and harassment by the hands of the police. We condemn Bill Bratton for administering the repressive policing practices which have resulted in the murders of Eric Garner and Akai Gurley.
Tomorrow, in the spirit of Ramarley Graham, Shantel Davis, Kimani Gray, Eric Garner, Mike Brown & countless other victims of the police in NYC and beyond, the Black Autonomy Federation-North East Branch, our allies in the Fire Bratton Coalition, and members within the community will march from the Pink Houses to P.S.A. 2 (560 Sutter Avenue). In the weeks that follow, we will organize disruptions and direct actions that halt business as usual. In the months that follow, we will use the memory of our fallen and channel it into developing our own organizations for self defense & community mediation.
Our Demands:
1. Arrest & Indict Peter Liang, the murderer of Akai Gurley
2. Arrest & Indict Daniel Pantaleo, the murderer of Eric Garner
3. Fire Commissioner Bratton
*RESPECT THE COMMUNITY IF YOU ARE NOT FROM THERE!*
ALL POWER TO THE PEOPLE!
Rally and march for Akai Gurley in East New York.Photo by Stan Williams |
Rally at Union Square after the verdict.
Organized by Public Space Party and Bike Bloc NYC in support of Union Square rally.
#FTP #PSP #BikeBlocNYC #ferguson #mikebrown #ericgarner
NOTE: DAY is still TBD
What: Bike Bloc for Justice for Michael Brown and Eric Garner
When: TBD, expected to be mid-November.
Where: Tompkins Square Park NYC
Time: 6 PM, we will ride together to rally at Union Square
Grand juries are hearing evidence in the police murders of Michael Brown in Ferguson and Eric Garner in Staten Island, NY. On the day that each of these grand juries announces their decision, whatever those decisions are, we will take to the streets that evening all across the country.
Bring Your Bike!
RIP Eric Garner
RIP Michael Brown
RIP Kimani Gray
RIP Shantal Davis
RIP Ramarley Graham
RIP Amadou Diallo
Organized by Public Space Party and Bike Bloc NYC in support of Union Square rally.
#FTP #PSP #BikeBlocNYC #ferguson #mikebrown #ericgarner
NOTE: DAY is still TBD
What: Bike Bloc for Justice for Michael Brown and Eric Garner
When: TBD, expected to be mid-November.
Where: Tompkins Square Park NYC
Time: 6 PM, we will ride together to rally at Union Square
Grand juries are hearing evidence in the police murders of Michael Brown in Ferguson and Eric Garner in Staten Island, NY. On the day that each of these grand juries announces their decision, whatever those decisions are, we will take to the streets that evening all across the country.
Bring Your Bike!
RIP Eric Garner
RIP Michael Brown
RIP Kimani Gray
RIP Shantal Davis
RIP Ramarley Graham
RIP Amadou Diallo
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